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INTRODUCTION
Planning for the future begins with an understanding of the way things are right now: the place, the people and the social, economic and environmental forces underlying the trends that are shaping Minna town’s development.
City change and growth are inevitable, and development pressures are a given. Nevertheless, a city with foresight and insight can guide and manage public and private development to ensure the best possible outcome for its inhabitants. This best possible outcome includes the protection and enhancement of the city’s key economic, social and environmental resources and assets, and the extension of these economic, social and environmental opportunities to everyone in the city.
The overall intention of the Minna Town Spatial Development Framework is to guide and manage urban growth, and to balance competing land use demands, by putting in place a long term, logical development path that will shape the spatial form and structure of Minna town. In the context of climate change and resource depletion, including finite oil resources, the future growth path needs to underline the importance of sustainable future growth.
This proposed development path must be flexible and adaptive, and therefore does not include fixed deadlines and timetables, as economic, environmental and social forces are unpredictable, and it is impossible to determine accurately how fast the city will grow.
The proposals set out below may take decades to realise, and will need to be reviewed from time to time to ensure that they remain relevant, realistic and informed by changing dynamics and local, national and global events.
Purpose of the Spatial Development Framework
The spatial development framework is a long-term (±20-year) plan to manage growth and change in Minna town. It:
· provides a long-term vision of the desired spatial form and structure of Cape Town;
· Aligns the City’s spatial development goals, strategies and policies with relevant national and provincial spatial principles, strategies and policies;
· Guides the proposals contained in the more detailed District
Spatial Development Plans (SDPs) which cover a shorter planning time frame (10 + years), and the preparation of Local Spatial Plans;
• Helps spatially coordinate, priorities and align public investment in the City’s five-year Integrated Development Plan (IDP);
• Directs private investment by identifying areas that are suitable for urban development, areas where the impacts of development need to be managed, and areas that are not suited for urban development;
• Identifies strategies to prevent indiscriminate loss and degradation of critical biodiversity areas, and to ensure the necessary level of protection for the remaining areas;
• Provides policy guidance to direct decision making on the nature, form, scale and location of urban development, land use change, infrastructure development, disaster mitigation and environmental resource protection; and
• Will not create any land use or building rights, nor exempt anyone from their rights and obligations in terms of the zoning scheme or any other legislation.
Conceptual Framework
The primary focus of this integrated analysis of biophysical and socio-economic potential for restoration is to 1) spatially identify ecological, demographic, and economic potential for riparian restoration and 2) identify changes in patterns, policies, or practices that influence the future likelihood of restoration.
Spatial Framework
In this analysis of the Willamette River and its floodplain, the flood-plain provides the most constant and quantifiable spatial framework for comparing physical, biological, demographic, and economic characteristics of the river corridor. Channel position, forests, and land use may change, but the floodplain, i.e., the area historically inundated by floods, is relatively constant.
Geomorphic Characteristics
The physical setting for the development of the ecological properties of a river system. The primary role of these physical processes is recognized in fundamental ecological ideas, such as the river continuum concept and the flood pulse concept.
Demographic Characteristics
Patterns of recent and current human land use create a context for considering potential future ecosystem patterns and locations for developmental efforts. Major urban development in Minna is largely irreversible over the near future, while adjacent agricultural and forest lands at the urban fringes offer much greater potential for change.
Economic Characteristics
Economic production influences development of a city about the use of lands within the town. Prices of goods and services derived from lands provide an indication of the likelihood of landowner participation in developmental efforts. Regulatory processes also influence landowners’ decisions, and the longevity of governmental policies may be sources of uncertainty for land owners. Patterns of land productivity strongly influence the feasibility of restoration and must be evaluated along with patterns of city modification and ecological condition
Theories Used In Urban Spatial Structure Of A City
Central Place Theory
Central place theory is an economic geographical theory of regional scale, formulated by the German geographer Walter Christaller in 1933. The theory suggests that the number, size and distribution of cities, as central places, are organized by invisible laws, and form an orderly hexagonal hierarchical patter. The German economist August Losch is considered as another founder of the central place theory. Though central place theory established earlier than the self-organization theory, it is also acknowledged as classical depiction of self-organized evolution in spatial system today.
Bid-Rent Theory
Much of the land use theory is based on the Alonso’s bid rent theory, which is a geographical economic theory than explain why demand for land, and land spatial patterns vary across the urban area (Pacione, 2005). There are three elements in bid-rent theory: Rent, distance from CBD and land users.
The key issue of the rent-bit theory is the rents. In this concept, different urban activities have different affordable domain of the rents and each location has particular rents. Since the competitive allocation of locations, the higher rents imply the lower aggregate transport costs (Rhind, 1980). However, the assumption of the rents equals transport accessibility in this model does not hold true in practice. Besides the traffic factors, the present land conditions, nature environments and the proximities to other existing public facilities such as schools, hospitals, etc. are also impact factors influencing the rents that should not be ignored.
INTRODUCTION
Urban spatial structure or urban structure is the arrangement of urban public space. The way that urban public space is arranged affects many aspects of how cities function and has implications for accessibility, environmental sustainability, safety, social equity, social capital, cultural creativity and economics.
Cities urban structures have been shaped by economic forces, they have been very seldom the result of design.
1. Large labor market have increasing return to scale.
2. Large labor markets favor both employers and employees, this is why both move to large cities.
3. There are a number of spatial implications if we agree that cities are primarily large labor markets:
a. Employees and employers are looking competitively for each other and therefore labor mobility is essential
b. Households, whatever their location, should be able to reach within a reasonable time (say less than 1 hour) all the locations where jobs are offered;
DEFINITION OF URBAN SPATIAL STRUCTURE
The spatial structure of a city can be defined by its:
1. Land consumption
i. Footprint
ii. Average density
2. Spatial distribution of population
i. Density profile
ii. Dispersion index
iii. Eccentricity
3. Pattern of daily trips
i. Monocentric cities
ii. Polycentric cities
Density profiles
1. The profile of densities is key to understanding a city’s structure and its livability.
2. Cities where the land market works reasonably well have a common structure: densities decrease from the city center outward.
3. Density profiles are, in most cases, market driven, not design driven, hence the quasi universality of their exponential negatively sloped gradient (see next 3 slides).
Accessibility of the CBD
1. The profile of density shown on previous slides indicates the relative dominance of the city center, if any.
2. The cumulative number of people residing within a given distance from the CBD explain in quantitative terms the different role of the CBD in various cities.
3. Higher average density is not equivalent to shorter trips and higher transport efficiency.
4. The average distance per person to the CBD varies widely between cities with the same areas or the same density.
Pattern of daily trips
1. The density profiles represent the spatial distribution of the population during the night (midnight density).
2. During the day the population will move around the city and will create new constantly changing density profiles.
3. Knowing the “midnight density” is useful as it is the point of departure of daily trips, however it is the pattern of daily trips which represent the best the way the labor and consumer market work.
Trips pattern
1. The monocentric model is the most common, but it seldom fit entirely the reality on the ground.
2. The polycentric model “urban village” type is an utopian concept invented by urban planners; it existence would contradict the increasing return to scale of large labor markets.
3. The polycentric model is increasingly common in North American cities.
4. In reality no city is purely monocentric or purely polycentric, most cities are a mix of the 2 modes with one mode being the dominating mode.
Linkages between spatial structure and transport
1. In monocentric cities most trips have multiple origins but one “clustered” destination;
2. In polycentric cities most trips have multiple origins and multiple destinations;
3. Transit systems can operate efficiently in monocentric cities but are difficult to operate in polycentric cities.
Spatial structure and transport
1. The lower the density, the less frequent the transit service. Where transit service is infrequent potential passengers are forced to use individual means of transportation: car, two or three wheelers. This might be increasingly the case in large cities of Asia and in Central and Eastern Europe.
2. Empirical evidence suggests that at densities below 30 p/ha transit is neither financially feasible for the supplier nor practical for the consumer.
To summarize:
1. Cities which are dominantly monocentric have more chance to maintain a high share of transit mode than cities which are dominantly polycentric.
2. In urban areas where density drop below 30 p/ha the majority of trips are unlikely to be made by transit.
3. Cities with high densities in dispersed locations may maintain a high share of trips made by transit, but transit is more costly to operate than when high densities are clustered around the CBD.
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